Saturday, October 17, 2015
Dear Family & Friends,
It seemed as if the Terror attacks had moderated somewhat but, ‘twas not true.
See what they did to Kever Yosef in Shechem this morning. It was not the first time. Google: Tomb of Joseph burned & desecrated Oct. 7, 2000 by Palestinians – to see photos & news reports. The Pals have continually desecrated Kever Yosef ever since. It is Judaism’s third holiest site in Israel.
How (or why) does one (or many) terrorize an ancient Tomb of our ancestor?
Enjoy Shabbat. Pray for our peace & HaShem’s protection. Life in Israel is beautiful despite all. All the very best, Gail/Geula/Savta/Savta Raba x 2/Mom.
Our Website: WinstonIsraelInsight.com
1.On ‘Day of Rage,’ Palestinian mob torches Joseph’s Tomb
2.The Jewish People’s Right and Birthright in Jerusalem: (the Historical-Religious Dispute)1 by Nadav Shragai 3.How Buying Guns for Oppressed Jews Built the American Jewish Establishment by Daniel Greenfield
4.Fighting terrorism on all fronts, an Israeli rights group is now suing Facebook for serving as a platform for Palestinian incitement to terrorism and hatred. The Shurat HaDin Law Center
5.Netanyahu slams Palestinian leader for ‘big lie’
6.The man who lights the match: Sheikh Raed Salah By Nadav Shragai
7.Iran shows off underground missile base
1.On ‘Day of Rage,’ Palestinian mob torches Joseph’s Tomb |
Some 100 people riot outside Jewish holy site in Nablus, firebomb its main access, courtyard • Compound, which was empty, heavily damaged • Yisrael Beytenu leader: Incident shows Palestinian Authority is no different than the Islamic State group. By Efrat Forsher, News Agencies and Israel Hayom Staff |
Photo credit: Screenshot 
Joseph’s Tomb’s compound in flames, early Friday morning
Palestinian rioters set fire to the prayer compound at Joseph’s Tomb in Nablus in the early hours of Friday morning. The compound, which was empty at the time, was heavily damaged.
The incident came as Israeli security forces brace for a Palestinian “Day of Rage” across Judea and Samaria and east Jerusalem, called for by Palestinian terrorist groups.
According to available details about the Joseph’s Tomb incident, at around 5 a.m. Friday some 100 Palestinians rioted outside the compound and at some point began hurling firebombs onto the premises, setting the main access to the tomb, its courtyard and part of the building on fire.
Defense officials told Channel 2 News that Palestinian security forces were able to extinguish the flames and disperse the riot by the time Israeli forces had arrived.
A second, smaller riot, erupted when Israeli security forces arrived at the holy site. Rioters pelted the troops with rocks and threw firebombs at their vehicles. The soldiers use crowd control measures to disperse the riot.
Security forces have remained on the premises to prevent Palestinian rioters from vandalizing the site further.
Joseph’s Tomb is under the Palestinian security forces’ control. Jewish prayer in the compound is allowed, but worshippers are required to coordinate their visits with the military, which escorts them in and out of the area.
Jewish access to the compound is often restricted for security reasons.
Following the incident, Lt. Col. Peter Lerner of the IDF Spokesperson’s Unit, tweeted, “IDF will bring perpetrators to justice, restore the site & ensure that freedom of worship returns to Joseph’s Tomb.”
Coordinator of Government Activities in the Territories Maj. Gen. Yoav Mordechai and Civil Administration Director Col. David Menachem have been briefed on the situation by Palestinian security forces. According to one defense official, the Palestinian officers condemned the incident and said they will work to repair the damage and restore order to the premises.
Nablus Governor Akram Rajoub condemned the arson attack.
Later on Friday, Palestinian Authority President Mahmoud Abbas also issued a condemnation. He ordered the damage be repaired and opened an investigation into the arson. A statement from his office said Abbas “stressed his rejection of these actions and all actions that violate law and order, and which distort our culture, our morals and our religion.”
Agriculture and Rural Development Minister Uri Ariel (Habayit Hayehudi) said the incident was “a new low, and a direct result of the Palestinian incitement. The Palestinians outright lie about Israel infringing on the status quo on the Temple Mount while desecrating and torching a Jewish holy site. This is unforgivable.”
Ariel urged Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu “to impose Israeli control over Joseph’s Tomb.”
Yossi Dagan, head of the Samaria Regional Council expressed outrage over the incident. “As a Jew, I’m stunned by this appalling act, which I believe no one in the free world could see as anything less than barbaric and criminal,” he told the Walla news site. “Torching a Jewish holy site, a world historical asset, is nothing short of barbarism by the Palestinian Authority and its leader. This proves, yet again, that this ‘partner’ cannot be trusted. The prime minister must order the deployment of IDF soldiers to Joseph’s Tomb immediately, because clearly, no one else can protect this inalienable asset.
“Abu Mazen [Palestinian Authority President Mahmoud Abbas], the Holocaust denier, is responsible for this incident and he must be made to answer for it.”
Yisrael Beytenu leader Avigdor Lieberman condemned the attack. “The arson at Joseph’s Tomb proves that the Palestinian Authority is no different than the Islamic State group. Palestinian youth no longer suffice with using machetes and knives to kill Jews, now they are burning down holy sites and historical heritage sites.”
Meanwhile, Israel security forces confirmed their Palestinian counterparts have been investing considerable efforts it quelling unrest in Palestinian cities, and have arrested 19 terror suspects over the past week.
According to a Walla report, the suspects were arrested “thanks to the monitoring of online chatter and flagged social media groups.”
On ‘Day of Rage,’ Palestinian mob torches Joseph’s Tomb |
|
2 Heshvan 5776 | Thursday, October 15, 2015 from: JCPA


2. Chapter 1: The Jewish People’s Right and Birthright in Jerusalem: (the Historical-Religious Dispute)1 by Nadav Shragai
The nature of this opening chapter, which focuses on the historical-religious dimension, may seem to run counter to the practical emphasis of this study, which analyzes the dangers of dividing Jerusalem on a practical level. Nevertheless, this chapter is essential. For the Jewish people, Jerusalem is not just matter but also spirit, heritage, and memory, as well as a unifying factor and one of the basic principles of the Jewish people’s identity. There is no point in analyzing the liabilities and many perils of division without first clarifying the historical and religious heritage of Jerusalem for the Jewish people, their profound bond with it and birthright attached to it. It is useless to explain how division will endanger our security without shedding light on our attachment to this specific city, since security can perhaps be attained elsewhere. Omitting this fundament is like putting someone on a nutritious diet, so that he will improve his health rather than jeopardize it, without this person grasping the purpose of his existence. The question of “Why does one exist?” or “Why Jerusalem?” must be asked before one deals with the practical nuts and bolts.
As fate would have it, this book is being rewritten while a kind of intifada rages in Jerusalem. The battle over the physical land of Jerusalem is being fought in tandem with a battle over history and truth. The phenomenon of de-Judaization of the Temple Mount, the Western Wall, and Jerusalem in general – as pursued by many in the Muslim world and among the Palestinian population – is occurring simultaneously with attacks, sometimes murderous, on Jews and on Israeli targets. The renewed writing and rewriting of Muslim history in the Land of Israel and Jerusalem run parallel to ongoing riots and violence against Jews on the Temple Mount.
The frequent proclamations of the “Sheikh of Al-Aqsa,” Raed Salah, head of the northern branch of the Israeli Islamic Movement, who on many occasions denies any Jewish connection with Jerusalem and the Temple Mount,2 are no longer unusual. Mahmoud Abbas’s religious-affairs adviser, Mahmoud al-Habash, asserted only recently that “Jewish Jerusalem is a legend;” former Palestinian Prime Minister Abu Ala declared that the gold medallion recently discovered in an archeological dig at the Southern Wall of the Temple Mount, notable for its classic Jewish symbols such as a menorah, a shofar, and a Torah scroll, is just a forgery; Adnan al-Husseini, the Palestinian Authority’s (PA) minister for Jerusalem affairs, stated that “Israel has a policy of ‘Judaization’ and ‘fabrication’ whose aim is to invent a Jewish connection with Jerusalem.” Salah, al-Habash, Abu Ala, and al-Husseini have numerous confederates in the Muslim world and the PA,3 who voice hundreds and thousands of similar falsehoods.4 Already a decade ago, in May 2014, Dr. Yitzhak Reiter noted in his book From Jerusalem to Mecca and Back5 that “during the most recent generation the Arab Islamic history of Jerusalem is being rewritten.” Muslims are now revising the history they had accepted for years, as documented in their writings. The central claim concerns the age and status of the Al-Aqsa Mosque; this mosque and its history are fundamental to Muslim identity in Jerusalem.6 Thus it is now asserted that the mosque, which was built about 1,400 years ago, dates back to the pre-Islamic period, even before the existence of the Temple. The Muslims have altered the time scheme that was documented in their own books and upheld by them; they have begun to say that they actually ruled Jerusalem thousands of years before the Jews did.
Reiter’s research examined religious rulings by major muftis in the Muslim world, websites of Islamic movements, and many popular works in Arabic dealing with Jerusalem. He described, on the one hand, the dismissal of the Jewish narrative and of any Jewish connection with the city, and on the other, the exaltation of Jerusalem’s status in Islam. Today’s demand to make the city the capital of the Palestinian state has spawned a new bevy of lies and fabrications.
The new Muslim narrative about the Al-Aqsa Mosque avows, for example, that it was built by the first man. Jordanian Waqf Minister Abdel Salaam al-Abadi had already made this claim in 1995. The Saudi historian Muhammad Sharab also states that Al-Aqsa was built by the first man, and the former mufti of Jerusalem and the PA, Sheikh Akrama Sabri, says the same. In recent years spokesmen of the southern branch of the Islamic Movement have declared that it was the Patriarch Abraham who built Al-Aqsa 4,000 years ago, 40 years after he built the Kaaba in Mecca with his son Ishmael.7
In order to Islamize the period before Muhammad’s prophecy, previous Muslim traditions were invoked that had been of negligible importance. Further layers have been added to the Al-Aqsa story, more ancient ones, going back much earlier than the year of its construction, and earlier of course than the presence of the Israelites in the Land of Israel.8
The Koran verse that mentions the “farthest” mosque, and goes on to say “whose precincts we did bless,” has also won an expansive interpretation. The “precincts” of Al-Aqsa are no longer defined in limited fashion, as in the past; in the new interpretation they refer to all of Jerusalem and even all of Palestine.
The new history, which is most infuriating, treats the Temple – which is documented in the Bible, the Mishnah, the Gemara, and other historical sources – as a lie that was invented by the Jews. In recent years, when referring to the Jewish Temple, the Arab public discourse regularly adds the words “al miza’um,” meaning “supposed” or “fabricated.” Sheikh Ekrima Sabri, for example, the former mufti of Jerusalem, said on several occasions that there exists no relic that proves the Jews’ claim that there was a Temple at the spot.9 One of his predecessors, Sheikh Saad al-Din al-Almi, who was mufti of Jerusalem in the 1980s, averred at the time that the Jews contaminate the Muslimness of Jerusalem.10 Since then, of course, many others have made similar statements – including, during the “Jerusalem Intifada,” Mahmoud Abbas himself.
One day over a decade ago I came with a group of archeology students from Bar-Ilan University to the banks of the Kidron Valley in Jerusalem. The group wanted to salvage archeological relics from the heaps of earth that the waqf [Muslim council] had excavated on the Temple Mount and then hauled in trucks to the riverbed. A waqf member who discerned the students broke out in loud shouts at them. One sentence registered well among them: “You have nothing to look for here, just as the Crusaders had nothing to look for here! Jerusalem is Muslim!”11
If in the past such an incident may have been odd and marginal, since the 2000 Camp David Summit that is no longer the case. Not only has the claim that the Jews have no real connection with Jerusalem and the holy places been widely inculcated in the Arab and Muslim communities and become prominent in the Arab public discourse, but the Palestinian leadership – and not only Yasser Arafat – have adopted it as well.
This guide from 1924, whose publisher (the Supreme Moslem Council) was headed at the time by Haj Amin al-Husseini, includes the statement: “Its [the Temple Mount’s] identity with the site of Solomon’s Temple is beyond dispute.” In previous centuries Muslim clerics had noted this fact in their writings. Only in our time have the Muslims distorted the history of the site and denied the Jewish connection with it. (Courtesy of Dr. Gabi Barkai)
Marked in red: “Its identity with the site of Solomon’s Temple is beyond dispute.”
The PA flag superimposed on a photo of the Western Wall on the Facebook page of Abbas’s Presidential Guard. (Courtesy of Palestinian Media Watch)
Long after completing his tenure as foreign minister in the government of Prime Minister Ehud Barak, the historian Shlomo Ben Ami wrote:
In August and September 2000, the Temple Mount was no longer under Israeli sovereignty and Palestinian trusteeship, but completely under Palestinian sovereignty. All we asked for was sovereignty over the earth under the mount, but the Palestinians completely disdained our request. They said again and again that there was nothing there, and never had been anything there. They denied that we have any right to the Temple Mount.12
Yossi Alpher, a former senior Mossad official, who was director of the Jaffee Center for Strategic Studies at Tel Aviv University, observed even more pointedly:
Out of all the statements about the peace process made by Yasser Arafat and his associates in the months from Camp David (July 2000) to Taba (January 2001), none was as offensive and objectionable as the one that there was never a Temple on the Temple Mount. Indeed, Arafat discounted the fundamental Jewish belief that the Land of Israel is the historical homeland of the Jewish people. Like most of the Jews, religious and secular, I saw these words as an attempt to find fault with our national identity.13
From denying the Jewish connection with the Temple Mount, it was a short path to denying the Jewish connection with the Western Wall and with Jerusalem as well. In recent years the Palestinians have intensified the Islamization of the Western Wall; among other things, PA spokesmen now claim Palestinian sovereignty over the wall as well.14 Muslim spokesmen have also appropriated the wall exclusively to Islam. The Al-Aqsa Institute for the Sacred Endowment and Muslim Heritage proclaimed that the Al-Buraq Wall (the Western Wall) is “exclusively a Muslim sacred trust…and non-Muslims have no right to this wall.”15 The abovementioned Sheikh Sabri stated that “the Western Wall belongs only to Muslims.”16 And Nasser Farid Wasal, the mufti of Egypt, explained that “the Western Wall is a Muslim sacred endowment and part of the western wall of the Al-Aqsa Mosque, and Muslims are forbidden to relinquish it, or to engage in renovating it.”17
Such assertions would not be worth refuting were it not for the fact that the Palestinians use them to claim exclusivity in the heart of the Jerusalem – the Temple Mount, its walls, the Old City, and the surrounding area – and were these notions not becoming so widespread in the Arab and Palestinian street.18
* * *
It is clear that since 1967, the Israeli claim to Jerusalem has not only been based on practical considerations but, primarily, on a deep commitment to the Jewish right and connection with Jerusalem, or what was called over the years the “dream of Jerusalem.” The roots of this “dream” lie deep in the Jewish past.
The Temple Mount is not just a mount but, rather, the “home of God.” A permanent temple to the God of Israel stood there, the extension of the “Tabernacle” – the place where the shekhinah dwelled during the Israelites’ wanderings in the desert.19 According to the Book of Chronicles, it was King David who broke the ground for the building of the Temple.20 The Bible tells how David bought this piece of land from Araunah the Jebusite for 50 shekels.21 King Solomon, David’s son, built the Temple on the plot of land that was purchased from Araunah’s threshing floor – that is, on Mount Moriah.22
According to the Aggadah, the first man was created from the earth of this mount,23 and at the end of the Flood, while the waters were drying up from the earth, Noah built an altar to God there.24 It was here that God tested Abraham, and the Binding of Isaac transpired.25 The Mishnah in Tractate Middoth details the measurements of the Temple Mount. Tractate Keilim sets forth ten ascending degrees of holiness in the Land of Israel, Jerusalem, and at the Temple itself.26 For generations Jews longed for Jerusalem and the Temple, expressing their yearning in piyyutim (liturgical poems) and prayers. The Temple was the center of the Jewish people’s spiritual life, and its main role was to suffuse them with the shekhinah.27
The destruction of the two Temples – the first by Nebuchadnezzer (586 BCE) and the second by the Romans (70 CE) – altered the reality in Jerusalem and the Land of Israel, but also fostered generations of dreamers and poets who prayed and yearned for Jerusalem and the Temple. The poet Avigdor Hameiri, for example, wrote of those thousands of generations of dreamers and saw Jerusalem as a “royal city.”In 1966 the writer Shai Agnon, in his Nobel Prize acceptance speech, said that, while he had been born in one of the towns of the Exile because of a historical catastrophe (the destruction of Jerusalem), he had always regarded himself as having been born in Jerusalem. “Hatikvah,” the national anthem of Israel, ends with the words: “To be a free people in our land, the land of Zion and Jerusalem.” The author of “Hatikvah,” Naftali Herz Imber, expressed the longing of generations for Jerusalem and in the poem’s nine verses mentioned its name eight times.
Inscribed on the stone: “To the Trumpeting Place to [Announce the Shabbat].” The stone was found amid a rockslide at the foot of the southwestern wall of the Temple Mount. The finding validates the historical sources (the Sages and Josephus) that describe the High Priest in Second Temple days announcing the arrival and departure of Shabbat with a series of trumpet blasts. (Israel Antiquities Authority; photograph from the Israel Museum, Jerusalem)
The holiness of Jerusalem is linked to the Temple, which is on the Temple Mount, the location of the shekhinah. Rabbi Yochanan ben Zakkai, who was smuggled out of Jerusalem in a burial coffin during the Roman siege in 70 CE and founded the spiritual center at Yavneh, may have assumed that the Jews would no longer need the earthly Jerusalem and instead would suffice with the Torah of Moses and of God, its giver. He was proved wrong.
After the destruction of the Temple, Jerusalem’s holiness only intensified; it was Jerusalem as a focal point that preserved the unity and uniqueness of an exiled, dispersed people. The commemoration of the destruction became an annual tradition, in which hope was also expressed for the future. For two thousand years the prayers and dreams of Jews centered on the rebuilding of Jerusalem and the Temple. All over the world Jews prayed that “He will build the Temple speedily in our days.” The phrase “Next year in a rebuilt Jerusalem” became the flag and the anthem that bound together the Diaspora communities throughout the Exile – including the founders of Zionism, the Jewish national liberation movement.
The holiness of the city and the memory of its glory are entwined with almost every holiday and religious ceremony that Jews practice in the Diaspora – morning, noon, and night (Shacharit, Mincha, and Arvit). This not only pertains to a funeral, a circumcision, a bar mitzvah, or to the blessing of the food (Birkat Hamazon) at the end of a meal, but even to a wedding. When the two members of a couple recite the marriage vows, Jerusalem is integral to the building of the new family: “If I forget thee, O Jerusalem, may my right hand lose its cunning,” says the groom; “Let my tongue cleave to the roof of my mouth, if I set not Jerusalem above my chiefest joy.” Jerusalem is always present, carrying a huge emotional charge. It is never forgotten. Even after the destruction, even under the most difficult and dangerous conditions, pilgrimage to the city did not stop:
Just as a dove, even though you take her chicks from under her, does not desert her dovecote, so with Israel, for despite the destruction of the Temple, the three pilgrimage festivals were not annulled. (Shir Hashirim Rabbah 4:28)
After the Bar Kochba Revolt, Jews were allowed, on Tisha B’Av, to enter the city and lament the destruction in return for a large sum of money. During the Muslim conquest, Jews of all the Diaspora communities would go to Jerusalem for the Sukkot holiday and pray on Hoshanah Rabbah on the Mount of Olives, which overlooks the Temple Mount. In 1322, Ishtori Haparchi in his book Kaftor Vaferech wrote that the Jews of Damascus and Egypt would go to Jerusalem on holidays and memorial days. Throughout all the generations Jews ascended to Jerusalem to pray there, kiss its soil, and also to die there and be buried on the Mount of Olives.
Judaism designated three fast days in memory of the Temple: the Tenth of Tevet – the day on which the Babylonian siege of Jerusalem began; the Seventeenth of Tammuz – on which the walls of Jerusalem were breached by the Romans; and Tisha B’Av – the day of the destruction of Jerusalem and the razing of the Temple. Seventy years after the downfall of the First Temple, the building of the Second Temple began, and continued for eighteen years. In the year 70 CE, the Romans burned it down. Throughout the long Exile, however, Jews never ceased – even if few in number – to live in Jerusalem.
Up until the Islamic conquest, the city was ruled successively by Jews, Egyptians, Greeks, Persians, Parthians, Romans, and Byzantines. Islam, which now claims priority and precedence over Jerusalem and its holy places, only emerged two thousand years after the Jews became a people. The Palestinians, who claim east Jerusalem – including the Old City and the Temple Mount – as their capital, only began to define themselves as a people about a hundred years ago. After the conquest of Canaan in the 13th century BCE, the Jews ruled the Land of Israel for a thousand years, and they have lived here continuously over the past 3,300 years.
During that epoch Jerusalem has been the Jewish capital, while it has never been a capital city, either in the ideological or political sense, of any Arab or Islamic political entity. The ostensible “forefathers” of the Palestinians – Muslims, Arabs, Mamlukes, and Ottomans who dwelled in the Land of Israel – never applied national sovereignty to the Land of Israel as a distinct geographic entity. They conquered it and governed it, but their political hub was always someplace outside of it. Not even the Jordanians, when they controlled Jerusalem, made it their capital.
Jerusalem and Zion are mentioned 821 times in the Bible and another 3,212 times in the rabbinical literature.28 The Koran does not mention it even once. The Muslim holy city of Mecca, however, is mentioned hundreds of times in the Koran, and so is the city of Medina.29 When the Romans ruled Jerusalem, the city was called Iudaea. The name Al-Quds, which is what the Muslims call Jerusalem, comes from the Arabic words for “holy city”; the Bible refers to Jerusalem as the “holy city” 37 times. Until the 10th century CE, the Muslims called Jerusalem Aeolia, as the Christians did, and used this name on their coins. It was in the ninth century that the Muslims first called Jerusalem Beit al-Maqdis, which was derived from the Aramaic Karta Dakudsha, and only in the 11th century was it called Al-Quds. The Muslims also called Jerusalem “Tzahion,” based on the biblical name Zion.30
The Dome of the Rock and the Al-Aqsa Mosque, which have been the sacred Muslim edifices on the Temple Mount for about 1,400 years, were built to commemorate the triumph of Islam over the existing religions and to compete in glory with the magnificent Christian churches. Among other factors, the building of Al-Aqsa and the Dome of the Rock resulted from Muslim internecine wars, without any special sacredness being assigned to Jerusalem. The dome, as Prof. Menashe Harel once noted, is covered with about 240 meters of verses, but not even one of them mentions Jerusalem. Mecca, which is in the midst of the Arabian Desert, is the holy city of the Muslims.
In the Koran, Jerusalem is not mentioned at all except in an interpretational allusion that occurs in the first verse of Sura 17. Ancient Muslim commentary did not identify Al-Aqsa (which means “the extremity,” “the farthest”), from which Muhammad ascended to heaven, with the Temple Mount in Jerusalem but with the Heavenly Temple – which, in Muhammad’s days, was in no way a mosque on the Temple Mount. Jerusalem was not part of the world of Muhammad and the ancient Muslims; the focus was solely on the Arabian Peninsula.31
Up to the year 622, when praying, the idol-worshipping residents of Medina would turn toward the Ka’aba in Mecca; the Jews would turn north toward Jerusalem. During a short period of sixteen months, Muhammad ordered his believers to turn in their prayers toward Jerusalem; he thereby hoped to convince the Jewish tribes in Mecca to convert to Islam. When he realized he had failed, the Qibla (direction of prayer) was determined to be toward the Ka’aba in Mecca. The term for Jerusalem in Muslim tradition, however, remained “the first Qibla.”32
The Muslims’ basic attitude toward Jerusalem as the capital of Israel is the same as their basic attitude toward Israel in general. In the doctrine of the Prophet Muhammad, the Jews came to represent a people cursed by God; they were portrayed as the ones who had distorted his revelations. The Jews were indeed tolerated in the Muslim world, but only as an inferior people without political rights, including the right to take part in political life.
As Prof. Moshe Sharon, a Middle East scholar, has observed: In the eyes of Islam, the establishment of the state of Israel violated all the rules concerning Islamic territory, Islamic holy places, and the legal status of Jews according to Islam. The state of Israel was established on an area that belongs to Dar al-Islam, on which Islamic holy places exist. The Jews are not lowly as they are destined to be, and gravest of all is that they rule Muslims; this situation is not at all tolerable.33
Dozens of fatwas issued by Muslim clerics since 1967 describe the Jews as enemies of the believers and as contaminating the Islamic nature of Jerusalem. This easily led, of course, to historical fabrications and the rewriting of history to convince the Arab and Muslim word that Jerusalem belongs to them throughout the generations, while the Jews are no more than guests and invaders there.
In contrast to the Jewish attachment and continuity in Jerusalem, in the past the city played almost no role in the political and cultural life of the Arabs. Damascus, Baghdad, and Cairo certainly did. Jerusalem did not. Ramle, for example, the only town in the country that was founded by Muslims (in the first Arab conquest), became the capital of a district; Jerusalem did not. Even under Muslim rule there was a Christian majority in Jerusalem for long periods, and over the years the city never – with the exception of the Jews – became the capital of any nation. It was only when Jerusalem fell into the hands of non-Muslim rulers, whether Christian Crusaders at the beginning of the previous millennium or Jews at the end of that millennium, that the Muslims suddenly elevated Jerusalem from a religious symbol, secondary in importance, to a national-religious symbol of the first order. Muslims leaders seized on Crusader rule in the city to glorify Jerusalem in the Muslim word, and they did the same when the Jewish people returned to Jerusalem. Suddenly the city, whose status during Jordanian rule had been eroded by the Jordanian monarchy, underwent a quantum leap in sanctity and political importance. Poems of yearning for Muslim Jerusalem now appeared in the Arab world, and almost every self-respecting Arab ruler set up special committees on the issue of Jerusalem and the Temple Mount.
Since June 1967, the religious weight of Jerusalem and of Al-Haram al-Sharif (the Temple Mount) has constantly increased in the Muslim world. Despite its being in the third place in religious importance, its emotional, political, and religious valence has risen, particularly because of Israel’s rule of the city and its holy places.34 The familiar “Al-Aqsa is in danger” campaign,35 which the Muslims have already waged for a hundred years, and all the more since the Six-Day War, is not one of our concerns here but well serves this tendency.
* * *
The Zionist movement began to fulfill the “dream of Jerusalem” with Israel’s establishment in 1948, and even more with the liberation of Jerusalem, the Old City, and the Temple Mount in 1967. In the name of this “dream,” for 33 years36 various declarations of allegiance were made to a complete and united Jerusalem under Israeli sovereignty.
One cannot base one’s claims regarding the Jerusalem issue on existential-security needs alone. These claims must be based, as most Israeli governments and Zionist leaders have done since 1967, on a right – the Jewish people’s connection and commitment to Jerusalem. Such a commitment is not the same as the concern, important in itself, about ensuring physical existence. It rests mainly on the Jewish religion, tradition, culture, and history, which nurtured Jewish national awareness throughout the generations. Without this ancient legacy, what justification is there for the Jewish state’s existence in the Land of Israel, in particular, or for making Jerusalem the capital of the Jewish people and their state?
When David Ben-Gurion, during the 1948 War of Independence, had to fight for Jerusalem and coordinate the struggle over it, he said: “The value of Jerusalem cannot be measured and weighed and counted. If a land has a soul, then Jerusalem is the soul of the Land of Israel, and the battle over Jerusalem is determinative and not only from a military standpoint….Jerusalem demands and deserves that we stand with her. The pledge of “By the waters of Babylon” obligates us today as it did in those days. Otherwise we will not be worthy of the name of the Jewish people.”37
A powerful, poetic expression of the link between the Jewish people and Jerusalem was given by my grandfather, Shlomo Zalman Shragai, the first elected mayor of Jerusalem after the establishment of the state, in a speech he gave to thousands of representatives at the Church of Scotland in Edinburgh in 1947: “The connection between us and Jerusalem is like the connection between an only son and his mother. This is our city, city of the monarchy and the Temple – exclusively ours, and we are its exclusive people….Jerusalem went behind us in the desert in an unsown land, and did not build itself by foreigners who came to its gates….All the while mother Jerusalem waited for her real sons…that they should return to her and renew her youth as capital of the Jewish state….For us there exists one and only capital: Jerusalem the Holy City.”
Thus, the professional and practical analysis provided in this book does not exist in isolation from a worldview and a purpose. That analysis can, however, stand on its own and also inform those who feel detached from the world of tradition and values on which the Jewish connection with Jerusalem is founded.
* * *
Notes
1 This chapter is based on several principal sources: Yitzhak Reiter,M’Yerushalayim l’Meka v’Chazara: Hahitlakdut Hamuslimit saviv Yerushalayim (From Jerusalem to Mecca and Back: The Muslim Unification around Jerusalem) (Jerusalem: Jerusalem Institute for Israel Studies, 2005); Nadav Shragai, Yerushalayim Eina Habaya Eile Hapitaron (Jerusalem Is Not the Problem but the Solution), in Moshe Amirav, ed., Adoni Rosh Hamemshala: Yerushalayim! (Mr. Prime Minister: Jerusalem!) (Jerusalem: Hotza’at Carmel and Florsheimer Institute for Policy Studies, 2005); Menashe Harel, Shalosh Hadatot v’Trumatan l’Yerushalayim v’Eretz Yisrael(The Three Religions and Their Contribution to Jerusalem and the Land of Israel) (Shaarei Tikva: Ariel Center for Policy Research, 2005); Shmuel Berkovitz, Milchamot Hamekomot Hakedushim (Wars of the Holy Places) (Jerusalem: Jerusalem Institute for Israel Studies and Hed Artzi, 2000), 109-113. On the Muslims’ transferring, in recent centuries, of the sanctity of the Western Wall to the different walls of the Temple Mount, see Nadav Shragai, Hamaavak al Har Habayit: Yehudim v’Muslimim – Dat v’Politika (The Struggle over the Temple Mount: Jews and Muslims – Religion and Politics) (Jerusalem: Keter, 1995); Nadav Shragai, Alilat “Al-Aqsa b’Sakana”: Diukano shel Sheker (The “Al-Aqsa Is in Danger” Libel: The History of a Lie) (Jerusalem: Jerusalem Center for Public Affairs and Hotza’at Maariv, 2012).
2 Yoav Stern, Lo Hitbat’ut Yotze Dofen (“Not an Unusual Statement”),Haaretz, February 18, 2007, Omedia website. Ran Parchi cites statements in this vein by Salah; Member of Knesset Ibrahim Sarsur, chairman of the Ram-Tal Party; and by the mufti of Jerusalem, Akram Sabri.
3 See, e.g., examples at the Palestinian Media Watch website (Hebrew):http://palwatch.org.il/main.aspx?fi=605.
4 For more, see many categories at Palestinian Media Watch over the years.
5 See my summary in Nadav Shragai, Bereshit Haya Al-Aqsa: Shlomo b’Sach Hakol Bana Sham Chadar Tefila Katan (In the Beginning There Was Al-Aqsa: Solomon Just Built a Small Prayer Room There), Haaretz, November 27, 2005.
6 Reiter, M’Yerushalayim l’Meka, 21-23.
7 Ibid., 19.
8 Ibid. For more, see Shragai, Alilat “Al-Aqsa b’Sakana,” ch. 4, “Hamuslimim Meshachtevim et Hahistoria shel Yerushalayim” (The Muslims Are Rewriting the History of Jerusalem).
9 See Reiter, M’Yerushalayim l’Meka.
10 I was told this in an unofficial meeting with him during the years I worked as a journalist for Haaretz.
11 I also recounted this incident in my book Alilat “Al-Aqsa b’Sakana,” and in a lecture about Jerusalem that I gave in Paris in 2011.
12 Shragai, in Amirav, Adoni Rosh Hamemshala, 31.
13 For the full quotation and its source, see Shragai, Alilat “Al-Aqsa b’Sakana,” 56-57.
14 Reiter, M’Yerushalayim l’Meka, 42-43; see also reports in the Israeli daily media from October 11 and 12, 2007. For example, at Maariv’s website, Itamar Inbari, “Adnan Husseini, Yoetzo shel Abu Mazen: ‘Dorshim Ribonut al Hakotel’” (Adnan Husseini, Adviser to Abu Mazen: “We Must Have Sovereignty over the Western Wall”).
15 Dalit Halevi, “Hatnu’a Ha’islamit: Hakotel Shaiyach Rak Lamuslimim” (The Islamic Movement: The Western Wall Belongs Solely to the Muslims), website of Arutz Sheva, June 28, 2012.
16 Al Hayat al-Jadida, June 23, 2009.
17 Ynet, February 22, 2001.
18 Reiter, in M’Yerushalayim l’Meka, 9, notes that this is not a random sample of opinions; instead “they represent the main discourse in the contemporary Muslim world.”
19 Exodus 25-27.
20 1 Chronicles 28:11-12, 19.
21 2 Samuel 24.
22 2 Chronicles 3:1.
23 Bereshit Rabbah, Chapter 14:8.
24 Bereshit Rabbah, Chapter 34:1-2.
25 Bereshit Rabbah, Chapter 22:1-2.
26 Keilim, Chapter 1:6-9.
27 Exodus 25:8: “And let them make me a sanctuary; that I may dwell among them.”
28 Harel, Shalosh Dadatot, 13-14.
29 Shragai, in Amirav, Adoni Rosh Hamemshala, 21-33.
30 Harel, Shalosh Dadatot, 13-14.
31 There are views in Islam according to which monotheism is Islam before the Prophet Muhammad, and in this ancient Islamic era Al-Aqsa was built as a compound of walls and not as the edifice of a mosque. The edifice was added later. These views were dormant, not generally accepted, and not widespread. In our time they were rejuvenated, for reasons that this book will address.
32 Nadav Shragai, Har Hamerivah (The Temple Mount Conflict) (Jerusalem: Keter, 1995), 264; Emmanuel Sivan, Mitosim Politi’im Aravi’im(Arab Political Myths) (Tel Aviv: Sifriat Ofakim and Am Oved, 1988), 89-90; Chava Lazarus-Yaffe, “Kedushat Yerushalayim b’Masoret Ha’islam” (The Sanctity of Jerusalem in the Tradition of Islam), in Eli Shaltiel, ed., Prakim b’Toldot Yerushalayim Bazman Hehadash (Chapters in the History of Jerusalem in Modern Times), memorial volume for Yaakov Herzog (Jerusalem: Yad Ben Zvi and Misrad Habitachon, 1981).
33 Nativ, March 1992 (Hebrew).
34 For more, see Yitzhak Reiter, “Hashlishi b’Kedusha. Harishon b’Politika. Al Haram al-Sharif b’Eini Hamuslimim” (The Third in Holiness. The First in Politics. Al-Haram al-Sharif in the Eyes of the Muslims), in Ribonut Ha’el v’Ha’adam: Kedusha v’Merkaziut Politit b’Har Habayit (The Sovereignty of God and of Man: Sanctity and Political Centrality on the Temple Mount) (Jerusalem: Jerusalem Institute for Israel Studies and Teddy Kollek Center for Policy Studies, 2001), 155-175.
35 For elaboration, see Shragai, Alilat “Al-Aqsa b’Sakana.”
36 Until Prime Minister Ehud Barak’s government agreed at the 2000 Camp David Summit to a division of Jerusalem and the Temple Mount.
37 David Ben-Gurion, b’Hilachem Yisrael (Fighting for Israel) (Tel Aviv: Am Oved, 1975), 90-91.
– See more at: http://jcpa.org/jewish-peoples-right-jerusalem/#sthash.u1yJDNbF.dpuf
http://jcpa.org/jewish-peoples-right-jerusalem/
The Jewish People’s Right & Birthright in Jerusalem: (the Historical-Religious Dispute)1 by Nadav Shragai
|   |
3.How Buying Guns for Oppressed Jews Built the American Jewish Establishment by Daniel Greenfield Posted: 13 Oct 2015 09:06 AM PDT Ben Carson’s comments that armed Jews might have saved lives in the Holocaust by resisting Nazi terror have been met with condescending mockery from the left. The Jewish establishment, a network of wealthy non-profit organizations that claim to represent Jews without ever being chosen by them and while working against their interests, has reacted in the same way as their liberal brethren. But this establishment has forgotten that it was built on providing guns to Jews.

Jewish Parade of Protest Against Anti-Jewish Outbreaks by Russia Historical Revisionism is what the left does best. American Jewish history in the last century is a revisionist history in which the heroes are the “establishment”. The truth lies buried in old papers and lost documents. And it’s a deeply compelling truth of how the left suppressed Jewish self-defense. The Jewish Defense Association was the first time that uptown establishment German Jews and downtown Eastern Jewish immigrants came together. The JDA’s goal had little in common with the empty rubber chicken dinner agendas of what the establishment that grew out of it would become.
Instead the Jewish Defense Association’s mission was simple. Buy guns for Jews. Its agenda, as reported by the New York Times was, “New massacres are preparing. Our people must be possessed of arms to defend themselves and their honor.” The year was 1905. The slow bloody beginning of the Russian Revolution was underway. Much like the Syrian Civil War, brutal militias aligned with different factions from the left to the right would arise out of the violence. Like the Christians in Syria, the Jews were an isolated minority. Xenophobia allowed both Communists & Czarists to score populist points by massacring the Jews in violent pogroms. The Jewish Defense Association responded with a call to arms. Its motto took a part of Hillel’s credo, “If I am not for myself, who will be for me.” Its membership encompassed the left and the right, Zionists and anti-Zionists, religious and secular Jews. A march of 200,000 Jews to Union Square included 5,000 former Russian soldiers, the volunteer Zion Guards in blue uniforms carrying rifles and the young men of the Manhattan Rifles, begun in the Lower East Side’s Educational Alliance as the Alliance Cadets, which had been formed in imitation of the Jewish Lads Brigade, a group that had put thousands of Jewish boys in the UK through military training. The final resolutions declared that, “Eternal vigilance is the price of the Jew’s life, and that we urge our people to take up arms against their assailants, and if need be to sell their lives most dearly.” It concluded with the ringing challenge, “We call Jews everywhere toward the defense of the Jewish people.” In the words of the New York Times, “A ripple went through the crowd like wind rising to a hurricane which roared “Aye!” It was undoubtedly the most heavily armed Jewish rally in American history. The sight of all those guns, not to mention early versions of the Israeli flag, would give any modern establishment leader a fit. And yet the JDA included key establishment figures like Judah Magnes and Louis Marshall. Branches of the organization quickly emerged around the country from Los Angeles to Cincinnati showing how popular the message of Jewish self-defense was. “In underlining the word ‘Self’ it expresses its conviction of the futility of all kinds of Jewish demonstration which appeal to others,” Rabbi Israel Friedlander, a co-founder of Young Israel who would later be murdered by Communist thugs, wrote. “The modern Jew, who is otherwise ready to boast of his liberalism… anxiously watches every nod of a king and every smile of a prime minister. The old ‘Shtadlan’ still exists in the form of the ‘influential Hebrew’ who on the backstairs often begs what as a representative of a free nation he ought openly to demand. In times of danger the modern Jews… appeal to the Spirit of Humanity, Modern Civilization or Brotherhood of Mankind, without themselves moving a finger in their defense.” “Attacks of bloodthirsty beasts cannot be beaten back by appeals to Humanity and Civilization,” he wrote.”Surely the Self-Defense of the Jews will not at once stop all further bloodshed. Some Jews may still be slain, be destroyed and be beaten. But they will certainly not be put to shame. They will meet violence with violence and teach their enemies the value of a Jewish life.” But of course it was not to be. The “Shtadlans,” the institutional establishment figures who had taken over the JDA, would abandon and dismantle it, recreating its corpse as the American Jewish Committee. The AJC would default to exactly the kind of aimless political begging that Rabbi Friedlander had condemned because that made power brokers like Marshall and Magnes feel important. Their goal was not to empower Jews, but to disempower them. The establishment robbed Jews of their power and offered them a chance to donate to a corrupt network of organizations whose only real purpose was making their leaders feel important. Meanwhile the leftists tore apart the JDA by refusing to work with the Jewish “religious and capitalist elements” of the JDA. Leading the charge against the JDA were the Bund, an anti-Jewish Marxist organization, and the Forward, a radical left-wing paper that continues to spread hate against Jews and Judaism today. While the Bund and the Forward’s mendacious Abe Cahan had initially supported the JDA in order to take advantage of Jewish outrage over the pogroms, the Bund’s position firmly opposed self-defense along “national lines” as a distraction from class consciousness and class warfare. And armed Jews, especially Zionists, might end up shooting some of the Bund’s favorite “workers mobs” at a pogrom. Jewish self-defense threatened the Marxist agenda. The Marxists were willing to exploit Jews through front groups, but were determined to deny them any ability to defend themselves. For its Communist collaboration, the Bund earned the dubious honor of being the last non-Bolshevik Jewish organization allowed to operate on Soviet soil. Eventually it was purged and its members were shot. Others found their way into the Yevsektsiya, the Communist Party’s Jewish Section, tasked with wiping out Judaism by shutting down synagogues and Jewish institutions, and organizing the murder of Rabbis and Zionists. Despite the interference of the Marxists, Jewish self-defense groups in Russia, such as the Giborei Zion (Heroes of Zion), assembled their own weapons or smuggled them in to resist attacks. The Communist takeover led to the end of Jewish self-defense groups in Russia. Those who stayed behind were shot or sent to gulags. Many others made their way to Israel where they helped defend Jews against Muslim terror and fought for the independence of the Jewish State. Others played a key role in the resistance to Nazi occupation during WW2 in the Warsaw Ghetto and elsewhere. The self-defense organizations that had failed in Russia, succeeded in Israel. They did it even though the establishment continued to undermine them by entering into a shameful collaboration with the USSR. The JDC and the establishment spent most of its money on Soviet agricultural colonies in which Russian Jews were supposed to find a “new life” and a “happy future”. Newspapers were filled with glowing accounts of how happy the resettled Jews were. The scam eventually collapsed when the Communists had gotten enough money out of their useful anti-Zionist idiots. Those Jews who had been resettled, were murdered by the Nazis. Local JDC employees were shot or imprisoned. At a crucial period, the establishment had starved Jewish settlers of funds that could have been used to dramatically transform Israel. But the pro-Communist left had its own agenda. The eagerness of the JDC to collaborate with the Communists could be found in their cover-up of the murder of Rabbi Friedlander. Rabbi Friedlander, who advocated Jewish self-defense, had been in the Ukraine as a JDC emissary. He and two other Jews were murdered by the Red Army. The Forward feverishly engaged in a cover-up while the JDC stayed silent to avoid offending the Bolsheviks and their fellow travelers at the Forward. Jewish self-defense was popular with Jews, but unpopular with the establishment and the far left. The establishment wanted Jews to be dependent on their political access, but refused to use that access to protect Jews by challenging the left, whether that meant standing up to the USSR over its persecution of Jews or to FDR over the Holocaust. The far left had done everything in its power to suppress a “national solution” to the Jewish question. That is still what it is doing today. Its fight against Israel has nothing to do with the fake nationhood of the “Palestinian” terror groups, but is part of a longstanding campaign to shut down any independent Jewish consciousness because that might interfere with its class consciousness and class warfare. American Jews are blamed for their apathy to the Holocaust or to Israel. But the good intentions of ordinary Jews were hijacked and continue to be hijacked by a corrupt establishment for its own political agendas. The establishment put FDR first and the left put Stalin first. Today it puts Obama first. It is a parasitic entity that hijacked Jewish self-defense and concerns while costing countless Jewish lives. Armed Jews alone would not have stopped the Holocaust, but the awareness rising in Jewish circles in 1905 could have led to a movement that would have built a secure Israel and evacuated Jews from danger zones long before the Holocaust. Guns are only the final element of self-defense. Self-defense begins with awareness and mobilization. It’s what you do to prepare for the worst that really counts. Very little has changed today. The establishment continues to undermine Israel, pursuing left-wing causes at Jewish expense, while pretending that it cares about the Jewish State, even as it undermines its efforts at self-defense. The left wants to destroy Israel. And the establishment helps make it happen. The establishment ridicules the idea for which those 200,000 Jews gathered, armed and unarmed, over a century ago. Such contempt is fashionable in liberal circles. And yet that old message continues to resound today. “Our people must be possessed of arms to defend themselves and their honor.” Daniel Greenfield is a New York City based writer and blogger and a Shillman Journalism Fellow of the David Horowitz Freedom Center. How Buying Guns for Oppressed Jews Built the American Jewish Establishment by Daniel Greenfield Nitsana Darshan-Leitner, President of Shurat HaDin. (Hadas Parush/Flash90)

4.Fighting terrorism on all fronts, an Israeli rights group is now suing Facebook for serving as a platform for Palestinian incitement to terrorism and hatred. Oct 15, 2015 The Shurat HaDin Law Center, a Israel-based human rights group, has launched a class-action lawsuit against Facebook, saying the social media network has become a “paradise” for the spread of Palestinian incitement and terrorism. Shurat HaDin launched an online petition on Thursday, urging signatories to join a lawsuit against Facebook, charging that it is acting as an accessory to terror. The lawsuit demands that Facebook be ordered by a US court to shut down any and all pages that encourage incitement and terrorism, and that it implement tougher standards to keep such content off its network. “Facebook has become a paradise for terrorists, where they can advertise their acts of terror, gain respect, friends, and support, and instructions on how best to kill Jews,” Attorney Nitzana Darshan-Leitner, chairperson of Shurat Hadin, stated. 
Nitsana Darshan Leitner, founder, Shurat HaDin – Israel Law Center. (blog.camera.org) “The company could easily stop this if it wanted to. Facebook has said on occasion that it is willing to participate in the fight against terrorism, but these many pages advocating terrorism remain on the site. We must do everything possible to end this,” she added. As an example, Shurat Hadin pointed to a recent incident in which Facebook became a platform for terror. Muhannad Halaby, who murdered Aharaon Banita-Bennett and Rabbi Nechemia Lavi in Jerusalem’s Old City almost two weeks ago, stated on his Facebook page prior to the attack that he “wanted to be a martyr” and that “the third intifada has started.” Halabi received many “likes” and messages of support for his message, and the next day he carried out his murderous attack. “Facebook has a responsibility for human life, and has chosen to ignore this,” Shurat Hadin stated. “It has the ability to monitor and remove pages and profiles that are involved in incitement – but chooses not to do so.” “We at Shurat Hadin have decided to put an end to the terror which has gone wild on social media,” the lawfare organization said, calling on all to join the lawsuit. The phenomenon of Palestinians using social media for the spread of hatred is not new, but has significantly increased in the past weeks in tandem with the wave of Palestinian terror attacksagainst Israelis. In another instance, Israelis complained to Facebook about a page calling for the stabbing of Israelis and demanded it be removed. Facebook declined to do so until it came under heavy public pressure, after which it obliged. By: Max Gelber, United with Israel 
Do You Support Israel?Want to do something great for Israel today? Make a donation to United with Israel, and help to educate and inspire millions around the world to support Israel too! We are a grassroots movement that fosters unity and love for the People, Country and Land of Israel. Every day we publish stories about Israel to educate, inspire and empower Israel supporters around the world. We contribute to vital causes like building bomb shelters and helping the needy. Donations from true friends of Israel like you make this possible, so please show your support today! Fighting terrorism on all fronts, an Israeli rights group is now suing Facebook for serving as a platform for Palestinian incitement to terrorism and hatred. 5.Netanyahu slams Palestinian leader for ‘big lie’
|
Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu calls out Palestinian Authority President Mahmoud Abbas for spreading falsehoods • Netanyahu: Palestinian incitement is to blame for current wave of terrorism • Only way to fight lies is to “tell the truth,” PM says. Shlomo Cesana, Daniel Siryoti, Yori Yalon, Efrat Forsher and Israel Hayom Staff Photo credit: Dudi Vaaknin  |
Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu addresses the media, Thursday Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu on Thursday said Palestinian incitement is to blame for the wave of terrorism that has swept over Israel in recent weeks. Speaking at a press conference for foreign media, Netanyahu said, “The current terror campaign in Israel is a result of continuous Palestinian incitement. First, on the Al-Aqsa mosque and the outrageous claims that we are changing the status quo there or intend to destroy it, and now we have a new big lie. “That new big lie is that Israel is executing Palestinians. Yesterday, [Palestinian Authority] President Mahmoud Abbas accused Israel of putting to death, executing, an innocent Palestinian boy. “First of all, he’s not dead — he’s alive. Second, he’s not innocent — he tried to kill, murder, knife to death an innocent Israeli youngster, 13 years old, riding a bicycle. This Palestinian terrorist is now being treated in Hadassah hospital in Israel. “The only way that we can fight this big lie and all the other lies that are hurled at Israel and spread in the Palestinian social network and from there to the world, is to tell the truth. This is what we will do today. We expect all our friends and anyone concerned with the facts and the truth to look at these facts, to see the truth and not to draw a false symmetry between Israeli citizens and those who would stab them and knife them to death.” Earlier on Thursday, pictures and videos were published showing Ahmed Manasra, the Palestinian teen who Abbas lied about, alive and receiving treatment at Hadassah Ein Kerem Medical Center in Jerusalem. Dr. Asher Salmon, deputy director of Hadassah Ein Kerem Medical Center, said, “[Mansara] is hospitalized with us in light-to-moderate condition. He is being well taken care of. From a medical standpoint, I believe we can release him in the coming days.” President Reuven Rivlin said Thursday, “Truth is not relative. You can’t turn murderers into victims and blame the victims for defending themselves. We are a state of law and justice. Israeli democracy is based on law and justice. The State of Israel will never compromise law and justice.” A Palestinian Authority official told Israel Hayom that following his speech on Wednesday, Abbas spoke by phone with a number of Arab leaders, including Jordanian King Abdullah II, Saudi King Salman and Egyptian President Abdel-Fattah el-Sissi. Abbas wants the international community to pressure Israel to stop its “violent acts and crimes against the Palestinian people,” the Palestinian official said. The Palestinian official went on to say, “The current wave of violence is not a third intifada, as it is not being guided by leaders. Rather, it consists of spontaneous actions on the ground organized by activists on social networks.” Netanyahu slams Palestinian leader for ‘big lie’ 6.The man who lights the match: Sheikh Raed Salah By Nadav Shragai |
What do the lone-wolf terrorists who perpetrated attacks across Israel in recent weeks have in common? Many of them have been exposed to the inciting, ludicrous messages put out by the head of the Islamic Movement in Israel, Sheikh Raed Salah. Photo credit: Yoav Ari Dudkevitch Sheikh Raed Salah
|
Ala Raed Ahmed Zayud, who ran over and stabbed four Israelis near Hadera this week, doesn’t answer to any leader. The teens and young adults coming out of the Shuafat refugee camp, which has essentially been overtaken by Hamas, to stab and run over Israelis over the last week also don’t have any leadership. Even the murderers who came out of the east Jerusalem neighborhoods of Jabel Mukaber and Sur Baher weren’t affiliated with any particular organization. And yet, the face of this ostensibly faceless evil — lone-wolf, spontaneous, popular terrorism — is very clear. Ever since Rosh Hashanah last month, all the branches and affiliates of the Muslim Brotherhood in Israel and the region have been waging a coordinated, systematic campaign to brainwash the Arabs living among us, using lies and false data concerning Al-Aqsa mosque. At the helm of this campaign are two key movements: Hamas — a well-known proclaimed terrorist organization — and one that still operates under the confines of Israeli law: the Northern Branch of the Islamic Movement in Israel, headed by Sheikh Raed Salah. Just like the dispute surrounding the Western Wall 90 years ago, this Islamic campaign of incitement revolves around the “Al-Aqsa is in danger” libel everyone is talking about in recent days — false allegations that Israel is planning to take over Al-Aqsa compound, or the Temple Mount as the Jews call it. Over the last 20 years, Salah and his movement have become the chief agents and prominent disseminators of this lie. On Sept. 11, Ahmed Zayud, the perpetrator of the terrorist attack near Hadera, was among the thousands of Muslims who attended the “Al-Aqsa is in danger” festival in Umm al-Fahm. The event was orchestrated by none other than Salah himself, the high priest of Al-Aqsa alarmists of our day. At the event, he yelled hysterically that Muslims are willing to die and become shahids (martyrs) to protect Al-Aqsa. And it wasn’t the first time he made such remarks. The crowd responded rhythmically, loudly: “With spirit and blood we will redeem Al-Aqsa!” After the event, Salah’s remarks were widely distributed on Arab media outlets and on Hamas networks, presented in a way that was even more extreme: to the sound of military marches, accented with drums, adorned with pictures of terrorists, terrorist attacks and victims. The message was as sharp as a knife. Ahmed Zayud from Umm al-Fahm, 13-year-old Ahmed Manasra from Shuafat who went on to stab a 13-year-old Jewish boy in Jerusalem this week, and 19-year-old Zubahi Ibrahim, who stabbed a Jewish seminary student in Jerusalem a week ago, were all exposed to this incitement on Hamas websites. They, and many others, were quick to grab a knife and do what it takes to “die for Al-Aqsa.” Buses full of incitement For some reason, Salah is not in prison yet. His deputy Kamal Hatib, who refused to condemn this week’s terrorist attacks, is also still walking free. Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu recently floated the idea of outlawing the Islamic Movement in Israel, but the notion is not a new one. Netanyahu and his predecessors have already tried to legislate laws against the movement, but failed. Jailing Salah under administrative detention (without trial) or deporting him were also considered, but it never happened. The man, whose father and two brothers served in the Israel Police force, was only recently indicted over some of the most egregious incitement ever heard in Israel. Salah combined the “Al-Aqsa is in danger” tale with the story of “Palestinian blood” that still clings to the Jews’ hands “on their doorways, in their food and in their beverages.” In a sermon he gave in Jerusalem, he tried to resurrect the sick and twisted old blood libel that has hounded the Jews about “bread dipped in children’s blood.” He even described his biggest dream: an Islamic caliphate with Jerusalem as its capital that would “control the entire Middle East.” The Israeli justice system operates slowly. Salah was convicted by the court and sentenced to 11 months in jail, but he appealed the sentence. Two days ago, he openly declared at the Jerusalem District Court that even if he is put in jail, he will continue on his current path and that “with spirit and blood we will redeem Al-Aqsa!” In the meantime, Salah is free. He is causing extensive damage. He does not censor himself and even challenges the state’s authority to make decisions regarding Jerusalem and Al-Aqsa. Several of his movement’s members maintain active ties with high-ranking Hamas activists, be it in Judea and Samaria, Gaza or abroad. Some 12 years ago, Salah was first convicted of contacting a foreign agent over similar relationships. Since then he has been careful. Five years ago he was sentenced to nine months in prison for assaulting a police officer. Last year he was convicted again for interfering with police work, but only given a suspended sentence. In the Shuafat refugee camp, residents parade models of Al-Aqsa mosque through the streets and almost openly trade in weapons, drugs and stolen property. But in Umm al-Fahm and other Israeli Arab towns in the so-called Triangle region there is an entirely different, no less alarming phenomenon. Over the last several months, a particularly colorful bus has been driving around, decorated with symbols and paintings pertaining to the “captive,” “desecrated,” “downtrodden,” “stolen,” mosque. The bus has been given a name: “Al-Aqsa — my responsibility.” There is no shortage of money. As long as the Northern Branch isn’t declared illegal, the funding keeps coming in and the brainwashing continues. In Istanbul, for example, the Waqf al-Umma for Al-Aqsa has been established, which directs funds to Jerusalem. Who is behind this initiative, you ask? You guessed it: Raed Salah. The “International Jerusalem Institution” that operates in Beirut and supports suicide terrorist attacks and “resistance to Israeli steps” also contributes money to activity either organized by or affiliated with Salah. Another organization active in Jerusalem, which brings the women of the Murabitat (women who systematically assault Jews on the Temple Mount) to the mount, is called the “organization of the flags.” Throughout the years, the organization of the flags transported the Murabitat to the Temple Mount. The women were picked up in rotation from the villages of the north, the central towns and from the south and Jerusalem itself. Sundays were the day of the northern villages. Wednesdays were usually the day of the southern town of Rahat. Incidentally, just this week, the head of Rahat’s northern chapter of the Islamic Movement in Israel was arrested on suspicion that he had been involved in riots in the south. Hundreds of buses were used for transport, as needed. Fifteen buses were purchased with donated funds. The organization of the flags had far-reaching plans: Not only to provide housing for the Murabitun at hotels near Al-Aqsa, but also to start the “Omra” — a project promoting a Muslim pilgrimage to Al-Aqsa instead of to Mecca. This is a religious innovation designed to aggrandize Al-Aqsa more and more to the point of competing with Mecca and Medina for the title of holiest site in Islam. The project was inspired by Salah. Years ago, Salah tried, and almost succeeded, to import water from the Holy Zamzam Well (a well located within the Masjid al-Haram in Mecca) to the Temple Mount. The plan was to elevate the status of Al-Aqsa, and of course his own status along the way. Searching for Israel’s soft underbelly From time to time, the Shin Bet security service discovers another source of funding, another channel of support. Defense Minister Moshe Ya’alon has already outlawed several of these organizations. But as these institutions close, new ones, with different names, open weeks later. It is a game of cat and mouse. As long as the Islamic Movement in Israel is still legal, there is no way to prevent funds from being funneled into it. The only thing left to do is to attack the source of the money. Hamas is one of the organizations that take advantage of Salah’s legal status to advance their own objectives. Unsurprisingly, Salah is one of the most popular characters on Hamas-affiliated networks and websites. For years he has provided Hamas with (verbal) ammunition, which is now being backed by action — terrorist attacks and riots. At last year’s 19th “Al-Aqsa is in danger” conference, Salah described the Israeli “occupation” as the “worst oppressor on earth,” which uses its power and its weapons to destroy Al-Aqsa. He called for popular resistance among Israeli Arabs and stressed that if the circumstances were better, “Muslims would march en mass toward Al-Aqsa and cross every barrier and obstacle in their way. Even a nuclear bomb would not stop them.” But the current circumstances are “limiting,” he said. “The people in Gaza can’t help, nor can the people in the West Bank. Everything is up to us,” he urged Israel’s Arab citizens. “Women and men in the Triangle, in the Galilee, in the Negev, in Kafr Kanna, in Jerusalem itself and in the rest of the towns, like Haifa and Sakhnin.” Dr. Ronit Marzan, an expert on Israeli Arab society and Palestinian society, has been studying Salah and his sermons for years. She notes one sermon in particular in which Salah said that anyone who completes three tasks — jihad (holy war), ribat (fortification) and istishhad (martyrdom) — in Al-Aqsa compound, will be repaid by Allah 500 times more than those who complete the tasks elsewhere. She notes that the head of the Northern Branch of the Islamic Movement in Israel now publicly defines the Murabitun he has sent to the Temple Mount as juhadeen — fighters against the infidels. “He tells them to prepare for jihad, and the implication is clear — to die on the altar of the Temple Mount,” she says. “When you speak to this man on a personal level, he is nice enough and polite,” she says. “But if you put a podium in front of him, he enters a sort of madness. Something in his personal biography, maybe the fact that his father and brothers served as police officers, brings him to adopt these decibel levels and to reach these intensities. In my opinion, he is trying to cleanse that dishonor from his family’s history. “He is trying to incite the entire Israeli Arab sector to launch a multi-participant intifada [uprising]. Salah is a megalomaniac who is trying to inflame the region and wants to be perceived as a protector of holy places. He is trying to lead his movement to overtake the Arab Higher Monitoring Committee. The path is Al-Aqsa. For years he has been searching for Israel’s soft underbelly — sometimes it is the Bedouin in the Negev, sometimes it is the mixed cities, but above all it is Al-Aqsa.” Marzan reveals a lesser-known affiliation — the relationship between Salah and his movement and former Israeli Arab MK Azmi Bishara, who fled Israel after being suspected of spying for Hezbollah, and Bishara’s former party Balad. “Bishara, who was born Catholic, takes Arab nationalism and attaches it to Islam. Arab nationalism and radical Islam magnify political power,” she says. “To him, the objective is to remove the colonialist-Zionist regime and advance the idea of one state. Raed Salah joins Bishara and says: ‘Islamic caliphate.'” The Al-Aqsa story serves this union well. The attempt to generate a provocation at a holy site is an attempt drag the mainstream Israeli Arab population into subversive activity, even though the majority has no desire to take part in any kind of intifada. “Many among the younger generation,” Marzan remarks, “stayed home and didn’t take to the streets. Only a few hundred people went out into the streets, and the majority is very angry with them, as the mayor of Nazareth expressed this week.” Sleeping on the job Like many “Al-Aqsa is in danger” agents around the world, Salah also relies on an incident that occurred on the Temple Mount in 1969, when a mentally unstable Christian tourist from Australia set fire to the mosque. The incident set off a wave of riots across the Muslim world. The arsonist, Denis Michael Rohan, was hospitalized at a psychiatric institution and was later deported back to Australia where he remained committed until he died. Israeli authorities managed to extinguish the physical fire at the mosque, but they could not douse the flames of hatred and lies that followed the incident. To this day Salah still blames the State of Israel for burning the mosque. He says that the materials used to set the mosque on fire could only have been Israeli. He also invented in his imaginative mind a story about Israel detaining fire trucks that came from the West Bank in hopes that the mosque would burn to the ground. This never happened. The “Al-Aqsa is in danger” tale, which has become a mental terrorist attack leading to tragic bloodshed, has countless manifestations: horrible cartoons depicting snakes, dragons, bulldozers or Jews dressed in ultra-Orthodox garb choking, demolishing, digging or slithering underground to destroy Al-Aqsa; illustrations featuring Israeli heads of state of past and present hacking the dome of the rock with axes; and even delusional stories of chemical agents that Israel has infused into the ground under the mosque in an effort to topple it. Dr. Taysir al-Tamimi, a clergyman from the Palestinian Authority, has asserted repeatedly that “the foundations of Al-Aqsa have been removed and chemical substances were injected into its stones to melt them. That is why the mosque is hanging in the air.” Yasser Arafat, the late leader of the Palestinian Liberation Organization, at one time received an official report on alleged plans hatched by Israeli scientists at the Weizmann Institute to set off an artificial earthquake that would bring Al-Aqsa down. Does Salah believe his own lies? In October 2000, during the first days of the Second Intifada (the Al-Aqsa Intifada), which lasted several years, there was a wave of violent riots and incidents instigated by Israeli Arabs. Twelve Israeli Arabs were killed in those incidents, and the Israeli government appointed an investigative committee to look into the deaths. The committee, dubbed the Or Committee, also investigated the Islamic Movement in Israel and Raed Salah’s role in the riots. The three committee members, including Arab judge Hashem Hatib, unanimously concluded that “it is inconceivable that Sheikh Salah actually believes that the Israeli government plans to demolish the mosques and build the Temple in their stead, as he claims.” They wrote that there was no possible conclusion other than that he made these claims to gain political power, to recruit supporters and to generate conflict. His calls to liberate Al-Aqsa with blood, especially as they were made in the mass rallies he organized, served to “escalate the already tense atmosphere among the Arab sector on the eve of the October events.” Not much has changed since then. Salah continues to incite, and the state is asleep on the job. Many of the terrorists — stabbers, car rammers and shooters — who killed and wounded Jews in recent years, did so because they truly believed that Al-Aqsa was in danger. Fifty years ago, the State of Israel, the home of the Jewish people, deposited the Jews’ holiest site in the hands of a competing religion, Islam, which reveres the site as only the third holiest. Israel relinquished Jews’ right to pray there, limited Jews’ visitation rights and agreed to the construction of two more mosques there (Al-Marwani mosque in Solomon’s Stables, built by Salah’s associates, and the ancient Al-Aqsa under the well-known upper Al-Aqsa). But Salah and his followers never let the facts get in the way of their imagined reality. Now they are clinging to the Jewish wish to exercise one of the components of the status quo agreement, which left the Jews with only the right to visit the site. They incite again and again that Al-Aqsa is in danger, that the Jews are desecrating the site with their “filthy feet,” and that they are making Jerusalem “impure.” Prominent figures in the Palestinian Authority and Hamas and many others often repeat these claims. Saladin’s heir The new-old “Al-Aqsa is in danger” ethos is integrated into the education system, from toddlers all the way to high school students. But in schools, another motif is introduced into the campaign: recreating a significant event from the Muslim history of Jerusalem — Saladin’s victory over the Crusaders in the Battle of the Horns of Hattin in 1187. The express hope is that a modern-day Saladin will arise and liberate Jerusalem and its holy sites from the Jews. A manual written by Jamala Natour, a resident of Jerusalem born before 1948, states that “the end of the Zionist state will be similar to the fate of the Crusader kingdom” and that “all we are missing is a modern-day Saladin.” Recently, a Palestinian writer living in Gaza wrote an op-ed under the pen name Sama Hassan describing her joy when her daughter informed her that she wished to become a martyr and murder Israeli soldiers. “I was overjoyed to see my young daughter shed tears as she held her new mobile phone and used the most advanced technology to watch a video about one of the martyrs [who died recently] in the Al-Aqsa events,” Hassan wrote, according to MEMRI. In the Triangle region, Israeli Arab youngsters are reciting texts that are alarmingly similar to those investigated by the Or Committee: “The lantern on Al-Aqsa could go out, but we are ready to relight Al-Aqsa with blood, because that which is lit with blood will never be extinguished.” Salah himself believes that even today, any position that asserts that Jews have any kind of right to the Temple Mount is tantamount to a declaration of war on Muslims everywhere. In Shuafat, in northern Jerusalem, which bred several of this week’s terrorists, the reality is a little more complicated. The “Al-Aqsa is in danger” lies are well integrated there as well, but the camp has also become a kind of no man’s land in recent years. With the separation barrier separating the camp from the Jewish neighborhood of Pisgat Ze’ev, it has become a walled-off island of crime, drugs, neglect, poverty and now thousands of guns that are handed over from one person to the next. Shuafat is the only Palestinian refugee camp situated inside sovereign Israeli territory. It was erected by the Jordanians several years before the Six-Day War in 1967. The initial residents were refugees who fled from various parts of modern-day Israel and settled in 1948 on the ruins of the Jewish Quarter. Sewage runs along the alleyways and the stench of garbage, which is not often removed, is strong. The municipality, the Palestinian Authority and UNRWA have failed to provide solutions. It is into this void that Hamas and criminal elements insinuate themselves and take root. Between the camp and the Jewish neighborhoods there are checkpoints, fences and walls, but there is no barrier between Shuafat and the adjacent West Bank. That is where the guns and drugs come from. That is also the source of the criminal elements, including criminals fleeing from the Palestinian Authority. The police and the Shin Bet have been avoiding the necessary “thorough cleansing” of the camp, despite the residents’ repeated requests. It is sensitive and dangerous, Israel’s defense establishment argues, and in the meantime no one is willing to take responsibility. One of the residents told us this week that if security forces were to enter the camp and confiscate all the weapons roaming around (a move suggested by former police commander Aryeh Amit in an interview last week), “World War III would erupt.” In the meantime, the police and security forces are only attempting localized actions. After every terrorist attack whose perpetrators come from the camp, they go to the terrorists’ homes and inquire: Did their families know? Did they cover up? This week it emerged that a demonstration of how to stab Jews was distributed on a social media site to which the camp’s children have access. The children and teens often use social media to exchange information and praise various terrorist attacks in the region. Many of the adult residents openly support the terrorists and the terrorist attacks, and take pride in them. Photographs of car rammers and stabbers from the slightly more distant past adorn the walls of many homes in the camp, alongside pictures of Al-Aqsa and the Dome of the Rock. The kidnapping and murder of Muhammad Abu Khdeir, a resident of the camp, by Jewish assailants, served to distill the residents’ hatred toward the Jews even more. Only a handful will have the courage to say aloud what perhaps others also feel — that it is time for dialogue and real government action to clean up the camp. On the other side of the fence, in Pisgat Ze’ev, Jewish residents are demanding closures on east Jerusalem neighborhoods, as the mayor of Jerusalem has demanded. On Tuesday, the government authorized the police to impose closures. The Shuafat refugee camp should be first, the Pisgat Ze’ev residents have said, praying for the recovery of the 13-year-old Israeli boy who was critically wounded in a stabbing attack on Monday and is still fighting for his life. The man who lights the match-Sheikh Raed Salah By Nadav Shragai Amir Ali Hajizadeh, head of the Revolutionary Guard’s aerospace branch, boasts the facility is the “tip of the iceberg” of the Guard’s military might • Iranian broadcast says facility is one of hundreds of underground missile bases around the country. By Yoni Hersch, Erez Linn, News Agencies and Israel Hayom Staff Photo credit: Sceenshot, Iranian Press TV A ballistic missile is seen in what Iran claims is a base buried 500 meters (1,600 feet) underground |
Iran’s Revolutionary Guard opened the doors of a secret underground missile base to state TV on Wednesday, showing off medium- and long-range missiles, a day after Iran’s parliament passed a bill approving its nuclear deal with world powers. The station aired footage of long tunnels with ready-to-fire missiles on the back of trucks. The broadcast said the facility is one of hundreds of underground missile bases around the country. It did not disclose the location but said it was 500 meters (1,600 feet) underground. Amir Ali Hajizadeh, head of the Guard’s aerospace branch, boasted that the facility is the “tip of the iceberg” of the Guard’s military might. The broadcast appeared aimed at showing that the Guard will continue its missile program despite U.N. Security Council resolutions and despite Iran’s nuclear deal with the West. On Sunday, Iran said it successfully test-fired a new precision-guided ballistic missile. “We’ll obviously raise this at the United Nations Security Council as we have done in previous launches,” State Department spokesman Mark Toner told reporters, noting the test appeared to be a violation of U.N. Security Resolution 1929. He and White House spokesman Josh Earnest both said the issue was separate from the deal Iran struck in July with six world powers, which seeks to curb Tehran’s atomic program in return for having sanctions against it eased. Ballistic missile tests by Iran are banned under Resolution 1929, which dates from 2010 and remains valid until the July 14 nuclear deal goes into effect. Once the deal takes effect, Iran will still be “called upon” not to undertake any ballistic missiles work designed to deliver nuclear weapons for a period of up to eight years, according to a Security Council resolution adopted in July. The resolution says that when the deal is in effect countries will be allowed to transfer missile technology and heavy weapons to Iran on a case-by-case basis with Security Council approval. However, at the time the resolution was drafted, a U.S. official called this provision meaningless and said the United States would veto any suggested transfer of missile technology to Iran. The new Iranian missile, named Emad, appears to be Tehran’s first precision-guided weapon with the range to strike Israel. A total of 220 of Iran’s 290 lawmakers praised the missile test on Wednesday, announcing their full support for measures that “strengthen Iran’s defense capabilities.” Iran shows off underground missile base |